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NC Coalition for Alternatives to the Death Penalty

Committed to ending the death penalty and creating a new vision of justice

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The NC Racial Justice Act

Why it matters in our fight to end the death penalty

Tilmon Golphin, held by his uncle, Mr Willie McCray

The Racial Justice Act was only the second law of its kind in the nation, and it was the first to address race discrimination in jury selection. The RJA established that no person in North Carolina could be capitally prosecuted or executed if racial bias was a significant factor in the case. The law was sorely needed in the wake of several exonerations of African-Americans wrongfully convicted and even sentenced to death by all-white or nearly all-white juries.

Sen. Floyd Mckissick

From its very beginnings, the death penalty has been a racist institution. But until the passage of the NC Racial Justice Act in 2009, there was virtually no way to address the issue of racism in the courts. Black people were frequently sentenced to death by all-white juries, and the courts turned a blind eye. See the full Racial Justice Act timeline.

North Carolina’s Racial Justice Act was the first law in the country that allowed people facing execution to bring forward comprehensive evidence of the ways that racism infected their trials and sentences. It allowed people on death row to uncover clear and compelling evidence that jurors of color were systematically excluded from their trials, as well as evidence that people convicted of murdering white victims were more likely to be sentenced to death.

People who prove discrimination in their cases can be resentenced to life without parole. So far, three men and one woman have won under the RJA and been permanently removed from North Carolina’s death row. 

More than 130 people remain on death row, and most of them have made claims under the RJA that have yet to be heard. In 2013, the North Carolina legislature tried to ensure that none of them ever would be. They repealed the Racial Justice Act and attempted to invalidate all existing claims.

But in a historic 2020 decision, the NC Supreme Court said that all cases filed while the Racial Justice Act was still law had a right to be heard in court. The decision ushered in a new wave of litigation under the act, allowing key evidence of racism in death penalty trials to finally come to light.

State courts are now preparing to hear the case of death row prisoner Hasson Bacote of Johnston County. He will present evidence that race infected not just his trial, but those across North Carolina. If the courts find evidence of systemic discrimination, the Racial Justice Act could prompt a broad reckoning with the role of race in the North Carolina death penalty. The courts must answer this key question: Will North Carolina confront overwhelming evidence of racial bias in the death penalty and protect the Constitutional rights of jurors and defendants?

We believe that no one should be executed, and especially not if racism played any role in their death sentence.

Shirley Burns hugs a family friend, when Judge Weeks ruled that her son should be removed from death row and serve a life sentence.
Shirley Burns, right, hugs a family friend after Superior Court Judge Greg Weeks ruled in 2012 that the trial of her son, Marcus Robinson, was so tainted by the racially influenced decisions of prosecutors that he should be removed from death row and serve a life sentence. Photo by Andrew Craft, AP

The Evidence

The RJA study, conducted by researchers at Michigan State University, analyzed NC capital cases from 1990-2010. It found that prosecutors removed qualified Black jurors from capital juries more than twice as often as white jurors. The researchers controlled for factors, and the disparity was attributable only to race. It also found that people charged with murder were twice as likely to receive the death penalty if their victims were white.

In addition, people on death row found direct evidence of discrimination such as prosecutors’ notes about potential jurors’ races. Notes about Black jurors who were removed included descriptions such as “blk wino” and “thug.” They also found documents from a training session, in which NC district attorneys were taught to strike Black jurors for preposterous reasons such as their hairstyles, clothing, or body language. 

“It hurt my heart,” she said, “to hear that evidence of racism . . . . I don’t understand why African Americans can’t serve on juries just like white people.” Tawana Choate, RJA client Quintel Augustine’s mother, sat in the courtroom as the prosecutor struck one black juror after the other. Ten years later in an RJA hearing, Ms. Choate returned to the courtroom to learn about the patterns of discrimination in her son’s case and in others across North Carolina.

The History

Black people have been denied the right to serve on juries throughout American history. Many Black men in America, in spite of their innocence, have been convicted and sentenced to death in trials with white prosecutors, white judges, and all-white juries. While citizens of color were once kept off juries by openly racist laws and policies, the discrimination is now more difficult to detect. Today, prosecutors use peremptory strikes to remove Black jurors, and are often not required to provide any explanation for why they struck those jurors. 

Why It Matters

The right to a jury of one’s peers is a fundamental Constitutional right. For most Americans, serving on a jury is, along with voting, the most direct way to participate in democracy. Studies also show that diverse juries deliberate more thoroughly and are less likely to convict innocent people.

See the full Racial Justice Act timeline.

Watch the ACLU’s video, including interviews with Black citizens who were denied the right to serve on juries.  

Learn more about the origins of the NC death penalty by exploring the Center for Death Penalty Litigation’s comprehensive project Racist Roots. 

Last Updated: February 23, 2022

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Contact

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NCCADP
3326 Durham-Chapel Hill Blvd.
Building D, Suite 201
Durham, NC 27707
noel@nccadp.org
919-404-7409

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NCCADP is delighted to welcome two new members to NCCADP is delighted to welcome two new members to our Board of Directors, Kerwin Pittman and Paul Klever. 

@kerwin_pittman is the founder of @rreps_. He is a re-entry expert and brings lived experience of spending more than 11 years behind bars. Kerwin sits on the NC Task Force for Racial Equity in Criminal Justice and the State Re-Entry Council Collaborative.

Paul Klever served as executive director of Charles House Association for 20 years. He brings expertise in nonprofit leadership and over a decade supporting people return to community life after incarceration through the Religious Coalition for a Nonviolent Durham. 

Their experience, insight, and commitment to ending the death penalty in North Carolina come at a pivotal time for our movement. We are grateful for their leadership and excited for the work ahead.

Read more about Paul and Kerwin at nccadp.org/leadership.

Special thanks to our two outgoing board members, Margaux Lander and Mark Pickett, whose leadership has helped shape many critical phases of our work!

#NoMoreDeathRow #EndTheDeathPenalty #NCCADP
Happening this Thursday in Asheville – you're invi Happening this Thursday in Asheville – you're invited!

Who benefits from mass incarceration and the prison industrial complex? In their new book, The Prison Industry: How It Works and Who Profits, Bianca Tylek and Worth Rises expose the economic forces that uphold and benefit from these systems.

Join us at Firestorm Books in Asheville on January 22 to hear Bianca in conversation with Rev. Philip Cooper of Operation Gateway, a fireside chat moderated by NCCADP’s Executive Director, Noel Nickle.

Learn more at the link in our bio.
Martin Luther King, Jr. was a dedicated death pena Martin Luther King, Jr. was a dedicated death penalty abolitionist. This MLK Day, we reflect on the connection between Dr. King's legacy of nonviolence and the movement to abolish the death penalty.

In 1952, at the young age of 16, Alabama high school student Jeremiah Reeves was accused of sexually assaulting a white woman. In a rushed trial, an all-white jury sentenced him to die. His defense argued that law enforcement had coerced his confession by strapping him to an electric chair and threatening to flip the switch immediately unless he declared his guilt. 

Reeves spent 6 years on death row as his case moved through the appeals process. Dr. King became a strong advocate for Reeves, but the state still put him to death. In 1958, just 9 days after Reeves' killing, Dr. King led a march, the Prayer Pilgrimage, to the steps of the Alabama capitol. In front of a crowd of more than 2,000 people, Dr. King boldly proclaimed the injustices of the death penalty: "It is the severity and inequality of the penalty that constitutes the injustice."

Reeves' execution was a flashpoint for civil rights advocates, one of a long series of injustices that fueled the Montgomery bus boycott and the Civil Rights Movement more broadly.

Throughout his life, Dr. King repeatedly spoke out against the death penalty, which he saw as racist, brutal, antiquated, and fundamentally in opposition to his theory of nonviolence. 

Read more about how we can honor Dr. King's legacy by ending the death penalty on our website: nccadp.org/mlk-day-2026

#NoMoreDeathRow #MLKDay #MartinLutherKingJr #EndTheDeathPenalty
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